[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":86},["ShallowReactive",2],{"hreflang:/en/p/p3-from-50-bc-to-the-fall-of-rome/ch/p3ch2-living-in-roman-gaul-0-to-100":3,"chapter:p3ch2:en":7,"chapters:p3:en":47},{"fr":4,"en":5,"es":6},"/p/p3-de-50-a-la-chute-de-rome/ch/p3ch2-vivre-en-gaule-romaine-0-a-100","/en/p/p3-from-50-bc-to-the-fall-of-rome/ch/p3ch2-living-in-roman-gaul-0-to-100","/es/p/p3-de-50-a-c-a-la-caida-de-roma/ch/p3ch2-vivir-en-la-galia-romana-0-al-100",{"period":8,"chapter":29},{"id":9,"title":10,"titleEn":10,"titleEs":11,"range":12,"rangeEn":12,"rangeEs":13,"covers":14,"coverArtworkId":24,"cover":25},"p3","From 50 BC to the Fall of Rome","De 50 a. C. a la caída de Roma","50 BC → 476","50 a. C. → 476",[15,18,20,22],{"filename":16,"url":17},"Entrée_triomphale_de_Néron_à_Rome_-_G.Surand.jpg","Entree_triomphale_de_Neron_a_Rome_-_G.Surand.jpg",{"filename":19,"url":19},"Scene_in_the_Roman_Campagna_(1878),_by_Johann_Zahnd.jpg",{"filename":21,"url":21},"The_Embarkment_of_a_Roman_Queen_by_Ettore_Forti.jpg",{"filename":23,"url":23},"Triumph_of_faith_by_Eugene_Thirion.jpg","the-embarkment-of-a-roman-queen-by-ettore-forti",{"fileName":21,"imageUrl":26,"filePageUrl":27,"sourceLabel":28},"/assets/covers/periods/The_Embarkment_of_a_Roman_Queen_by_Ettore_Forti.jpg","https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_Embarkment_of_a_Roman_Queen_by_Ettore_Forti.jpg","Wikimedia Commons",{"id":30,"title":31,"periodId":9,"html":32,"zooms":33,"thumbnailArtworkId":40,"hasEn":41,"isFallback":42,"coverFit":43,"coverPosition":43,"chronicle":44,"realm":43,"seoDescription":45,"thumbnailUrl":46},"p3ch2","Living in Roman Gaul (0 to 100)","\u003Chr>\n\u003Cp>As the previous chapter ends, Gaul has just reached, with the inauguration of the Sanctuary of the Three Gauls in 12 BC, a form of stability unprecedented since the conquest: a smoothly running provincial administration, elites bound to imperial power, a Rhine frontier in the process of being organized. The turn of the era does not, however, mark the start of a frozen peace. Within the following decade, a military disaster at the far end of the Rhine frontier serves as a reminder that this stability, for Gaul, remains closely dependent on geopolitical balances playing out beyond its own borders.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>This chapter follows Gaul through its first fully Roman century. On one hand, it experiences ever-deeper integration: the spread of Latin rights, urban growth, economic success embodied by the workshops of La Graufesenque, and finally political recognition, when the emperor Claudius opens the doors of the Roman Senate itself to Gaulish notables. On the other, as a hinge province between Italy and the Germanic world, it remains regularly caught up in the crises shaking the Empire: the Teutoburg disaster durably closes off Roman ambitions beyond the Rhine, while the fall of Nero, the Year of the Four Emperors, and the Batavian revolt show, at regular intervals, just how vulnerable the province remains to the upheavals of imperial power.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>This century is thus dominated by an apparent paradox: the more Gaul becomes integrated into the Empire, the more it finds itself exposed to its crises — precisely because it has become an essential part of it rather than a distant margin. Far from being mutually exclusive, integration and vulnerability advance here hand in hand.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>Four phases structure this account. The first is that of the Teutoburg disaster and its lasting consequences on Gaul’s military status, now a permanent rear base for a fixed Rhine frontier. The second is that of Gaulish society and economy, caught in their methodical integration into the imperial space. The third is that of Claudius’s speech, a pivotal moment when the Gaulish elite reaches the very heart of Roman power. The fourth, finally, is that of the successive crises which, between 68 and 70, test — without ever breaking — this now solidly established integration.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>At the dawn of the 2nd century, Gaul thus presents itself as a mature province: prosperous, administratively seasoned, politically recognized — yet whose central place within the Empire would continue, in the decades to come, to bind it ever more closely to Rome’s own fate, for better as well as, soon, for the deeper crises yet to resurface.\u003C/p>\n\u003Chr>\n\u003Ch2>I. 0-21 AD: The Turning Point of Teutoburg and the Fixing of the Rhine Frontier\u003C/h2>\n\u003Cp>In \u003Cstrong>9 AD\u003C/strong>, three Roman legions — the Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth, accompanied by cavalry units and auxiliary cohorts — were annihilated in the \u003Cstrong>Teutoburg\u003C/strong> Forest, in Germania. Their commander, the governor \u003Cstrong>Publius Quinctilius Varus\u003C/strong>, had allowed himself to be lured into an ambush set by \u003Cstrong>Arminius\u003C/strong>, a Cheruscan prince and former Roman auxiliary officer in whom Varus had until then placed complete trust. More than twenty thousand men perished; two legionary eagles were captured, a third hidden by its standard-bearer to escape capture. Varus took his own life on the battlefield. According to \u003Cstrong>Suetonius\u003C/strong>, the news plunged Augustus into such distress that he struck his head against the walls of his palace, crying out: “\u003Cem>Quintili Vare, legiones redde!\u003C/em>” — “Varus, give me back my legions!” The numbers XVII, XVIII, and XIX were never again assigned to a Roman legion, a unique case in Roman military history.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>\u003Cimg src=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/90/Otto_Albert_Koch_Varusschlacht_1909.jpg\" alt=\"The Battle of Teutoburg Forest\" class=\"kb-img-contain\">\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>\u003Cem>Caption: The Battle of Teutoburg Forest (Otto Albert Koch, 1909, Lippisches Landesmuseum Detmold) — public domain, via Wikimedia Commons\u003C/em>\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>🔍 \u003Cstrong>\u003Ca href=\"/en/zoom/p3ch2z2\">Zoom – Arminius, from Triumph to Assassination\u003C/a>\u003C/strong>\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>This disaster had lasting geopolitical consequences. Augustus permanently abandoned the project of turning Germania into a Roman province: the Empire’s frontier settled on the \u003Cstrong>Rhine\u003C/strong>, where it would remain for nearly four centuries. Between \u003Cstrong>14 and 16 AD\u003C/strong>, \u003Cstrong>Germanicus\u003C/strong>, nephew and adopted son of Tiberius, led several punitive campaigns across the Rhine to avenge the disaster: he defeated Arminius’s coalition at the Battle of \u003Cstrong>Idistaviso\u003C/strong> and managed to recover two of the three lost eagles. But \u003Cstrong>Tiberius\u003C/strong>, who had become emperor upon Augustus’s death in 14, recalled him to Rome. Faithful to the advice the late emperor had himself left his successors — to keep the Empire within its existing limits rather than seek to extend it further, according to the words reported by \u003Cstrong>Tacitus\u003C/strong> — Tiberius durably closed off any prospect of Roman conquest beyond the Rhine. The third eagle would not be recovered until \u003Cstrong>41 AD\u003C/strong>, under Claudius’s reign, by the legate Publius Gabinius Secundus during a campaign against the Chauci.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>It is in this context that the rear-base role entrusted to Gaul, already sketched out under Augustus, became permanent rather than provisional. Eight legions — nearly a third of the entire Roman military — were now stationed durably along the Rhine, entirely supplied, provisioned, and connected to one another via Gaulish territory. Gaul’s apparent stability throughout this century thus rested, from its very outset, on this logistical and military function serving a Rhine frontier that was now fixed rather than expanding.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>This stability did not, however, exclude occasional tensions: as early as \u003Cstrong>21 AD\u003C/strong>, the revolt of the Aeduan Sacrovir and the Treveran Julius Florus, driven by the weight of Roman taxation, served as a reminder that Gaulish integration into the Empire remained shot through with local crises — an episode already detailed in the zoom devoted to it.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>This rear-base function found its fullest illustration in the \u003Cstrong>spring of 43 AD\u003C/strong>, when the emperor \u003Cstrong>Claudius\u003C/strong> launched the conquest of the island of Britain. An army of nearly forty thousand men, assembled under the command of \u003Cstrong>Aulus Plautius\u003C/strong>, embarked from the ports of northern Gaul, including \u003Cstrong>Gesoriacum\u003C/strong> (Boulogne-sur-Mer), before landing on the island. By this date, Gaul no longer merely guarded a frontier: it also served as a springboard for a new expansion of the Empire, extending westward the logistical role already consolidated facing the Rhine.\u003C/p>\n\u003Chr>\n\u003Ch2>II. An Integrated Society and Economy\u003C/h2>\n\u003Cp>The legal integration of Gaulish cities progressed methodically throughout the century. \u003Cem>Latin rights\u003C/em> (\u003Cem>ius Latii\u003C/em>), generalized to Transalpine Gaul as early as the Augustan era, gradually extended to the rest of Long-haired Gaul before the end of the 1st century. This intermediate status, granted notably to cities such as Nîmes, Toulouse, or Avignon, conferred on their inhabitants the civil rights of Roman citizens — \u003Cem>commercium\u003C/em>, which authorized transactions under Roman law, and \u003Cem>conubium\u003C/em>, which recognized the validity of marriages contracted with Roman citizens. Above all, it opened a structured mechanism of social advancement: the municipal magistrates of these Latin cities automatically acquired full Roman citizenship upon leaving office, extending and systematizing, across an entire generation of local elites, the logic of integration already at work among the Aedui since the previous century.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>This legal framework accompanied the continuation of the urban development begun under Augustus. \u003Cstrong>Lugdunum\u003C/strong>, \u003Cstrong>Nemausus\u003C/strong>, \u003Cstrong>Arelate\u003C/strong> (Arles), and \u003Cstrong>Augustodunum\u003C/strong> confirmed their rank as major cities, while the network of secondary towns grew denser across the whole territory, each organized as a \u003Cem>civitas\u003C/em> administering a territory and population under Roman authority.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>The Gaulish economy of the 1st century found in terra sigillata pottery one of its most spectacular successes. At \u003Cstrong>Condatomagos\u003C/strong> — today \u003Cstrong>La Graufesenque\u003C/strong>, near Millau, at the confluence of the Tarn and the Dourbie —, more than six hundred potters’ workshops produced, from Tiberius’s reign onward, glossy red earthenware, known as \u003Cem>sigillata\u003C/em>, exported across the whole Roman Empire, from insular Britain to the Near East. Some kilns, fed by the coniferous forests of the neighbouring Causses, could fire up to forty thousand vessels in a single batch, at over a thousand degrees. Production reached its peak in the third quarter of the century, before gradually declining in the face of competition from other production centres, notably in eastern Gaul.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>\u003Cimg src=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/15/BolLaGraufesenquemus%C3%A9efenaille.jpg\" alt=\"Terra sigillata bowl from La Graufesenque\" class=\"kb-img-contain\">\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>\u003Cem>Caption: Terra sigillata bowl produced at La Graufesenque, Musée Fenaille, Rodez — Rossignol Benoît, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons\u003C/em>\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>This site also offers, unexpectedly, one of the most valuable pieces of evidence for the persistence of the Gaulish language amid full Roman integration. Archaeologists have found there hundreds of shards bearing firing dockets — potters’ lists indicating, kiln by kiln, the names of the craftsmen and the number of vessels each produced. Written in the Latin alphabet but following Gaulish grammar, mixing craftsmen’s names sometimes Gaulish (Albanos, Tritos, Uercundos), sometimes already Romanized (Felix, Priuatos), these documents show that integration into the Empire did not translate, at the level of ordinary craftsmen, into the immediate disappearance of the Gaulish language and identity, but rather into a practical coexistence between the two worlds.\u003C/p>\n\u003Chr>\n\u003Ch2>III. 48 AD: Claudius’s Speech and the Entry of the Gauls into the Roman Senate\u003C/h2>\n\u003Cp>In \u003Cstrong>48 AD\u003C/strong>, the emperor \u003Cstrong>Claudius\u003C/strong> — born in Lugdunum nearly six decades earlier, the first Roman emperor born outside Italy — addressed the Senate to defend a bold proposal: to allow Gaulish notables already holding Roman citizenship to access Roman magistracies, and through them, the Senate itself. This speech is not known solely through literary tradition: part of its original text was engraved on a bronze plaque, discovered by chance in 1528 by a Lyon cloth merchant during work on his vineyard, on the hill of Croix-Rousse — on the very site of the federal Sanctuary of the Three Gauls described in the previous chapter. This \u003Cstrong>Claudian Table\u003C/strong> thus offers one of the rare cases where the precise words of an imperial speech have come down to us directly, rather than being reported after the fact by a historian.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>\u003Cimg src=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/31/Claudian_table_IMG_1073-black.jpg\" alt=\"The Claudian Table\" class=\"kb-img-contain\">\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>\u003Cem>Caption: The Claudian Table, bronze plaque preserved at the Lugdunum Museum in Lyon — Rama, CC BY-SA 2.0 FR, via Wikimedia Commons\u003C/em>\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>The historian \u003Cstrong>Tacitus\u003C/strong>, in his \u003Cem>Annals\u003C/em>, reports for his part a reworked version of this same speech, along with the strong reluctance it provoked among the senators. Their objections were numerous: Italy, they argued, still supplied enough candidates for the Senate without needing to add foreigners; the Gauls, once admitted, would end up taking the place of native-born Romans; and above all, they remained in collective memory the former enemies of Rome — a memory going back to the sack of the city by the Senones, nearly three and a half centuries earlier.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>To carry the decision, Claudius invoked his own genealogy: his most distant ancestor, \u003Cstrong>Attius Clausus\u003C/strong>, of Sabine origin, had himself been admitted to Roman citizenship and to the patriciate at the city’s founding, before becoming a Roman in full under the name Appius Claudius. If Rome had known, from its very origin, how to integrate foreigners within itself, nothing, according to the emperor, justified stopping on such a good path. The argument prevailed: a senatorial decree granted the right to sit in the Roman Senate, first and foremost, to the \u003Cstrong>Aedui\u003C/strong> — a distinction granted expressly because of the age of their alliance with Rome, thus extending, a century after the fact, the privileged status of \u003Cem>fratres consanguinei\u003C/em> already mentioned in the previous chapter.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>This measure did not make senators of all Gauls overnight: it opened a right, reserved for the time being to a handful of families among the peoples longest integrated, before spreading more broadly in the following decades. But its symbolic significance was considerable: for the first time, the Gaulish elite was no longer merely administered by Rome — it participated directly, at the very heart of the capital, in the decisions shaping the whole Empire.\u003C/p>\n\u003Chr>\n\u003Ch2>IV. 68-70 AD: Gaul in the Turmoil of the Civil Wars\u003C/h2>\n\u003Cp>In \u003Cstrong>March 68\u003C/strong>, \u003Cstrong>Gaius Julius Vindex\u003C/strong>, governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, rose up against the emperor \u003Cstrong>Nero\u003C/strong>, whose reign was increasingly contested even in Rome. Vindex did not seek power for himself: he called for revolt in the name of \u003Cstrong>Galba\u003C/strong>, governor of Hispania, and managed to raise about thirty thousand men, mostly Sequani. The legions of Upper Germany, who had remained loyal to Nero under the command of \u003Cstrong>Verginius Rufus\u003C/strong>, marched to meet him. The battle that followed near \u003Cstrong>Vesontio\u003C/strong> (Besançon), in May 68, remains shrouded in a certain mystery: a meeting between the two generals had nonetheless taken place beforehand, yet Verginius’s legions attacked without having received the order — whether out of desire for plunder or weak command, according to the explanations put forward. About twenty thousand Gauls perished in the clash, according to \u003Cstrong>Plutarch\u003C/strong>, and Vindex took his own life to escape capture.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>Despite this military defeat, the political consequences of the uprising far outweighed its failure on the ground. Galba was proclaimed emperor by his own troops, and other provinces rapidly rallied to him. Isolated, abandoned by part of the army and the Senate, Nero took his own life in turn a few weeks later. For the first time, a movement born in Gaul played a decisive role in the fall of a Roman emperor.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>The following year, nicknamed the “Year of the Four Emperors,” plunged the Empire into prolonged instability: after Galba, assassinated, then Otho, defeated, the legions of Germania in turn proclaimed their own commander, \u003Cstrong>Vitellius\u003C/strong>, emperor. His troops crossed Gaul toward Rome, soon followed by those of his rival \u003Cstrong>Vespasian\u003C/strong>: requisitions, plundering, and clashes heavily disrupted the regions they crossed, and the city of \u003Cstrong>Divodurum\u003C/strong> (Metz) suffered significant destruction as the armies passed through. Vitellius first prevailed over Otho, before being defeated in turn by Vespasian’s supporters at the end of 69 — Gaul was no longer an active participant in the crisis as it had been with Vindex, but it remained its inevitable crossroads, both military and logistical.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>It was in this climate of prolonged instability that, in \u003Cstrong>69-70\u003C/strong>, the gravest uprising Roman Gaul had known since its conquest broke out. The Batavian \u003Cstrong>Civilis\u003C/strong>, a Roman auxiliary officer, drew several peoples of the north into revolt — the Treveri, led by Julius Classicus and Julius Tutor, then the Lingones, under the authority of \u003Cstrong>Julius Sabinus\u003C/strong>. The latter, claiming distant descent from Julius Caesar, proclaimed himself “Caesar” and attempted to found an \u003Cem>Imperium Galliarum\u003C/em>, an independent Empire of the Gauls. The project collapsed quickly: the Sequani, who had remained loyal to Rome, crushed Sabinus’s Lingones, and Sabinus faked his own suicide and went into hiding — an episode whose outcome, several years later, deserves a treatment of its own.\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>🔍 \u003Cstrong>\u003Ca href=\"/en/zoom/p3ch2z1\">Zoom – Sabinus and Éponine, Nine Years in Hiding\u003C/a>\u003C/strong>\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>\u003Cimg src=\"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/ff/Rembrandt_Harmensz._van_Rijn_-_The_Conspiracy_of_the_Batavians_under_Claudius_Civilis_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg\" alt=\"The Oath of the Batavians to Civilis\" class=\"kb-img-contain\">\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>\u003Cem>Caption: The Oath of the Batavians to Civilis (Rembrandt, 1661-1662, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm) — public domain, via Wikimedia Commons\u003C/em>\u003C/p>\n\u003Cp>Faced with this crisis, the \u003Cstrong>Remi\u003C/strong> proposed holding a general assembly of the Gaulish cities at Reims, tasked with choosing between independence and loyalty to Rome: most peoples rallied to the Empire as early as May 70. The Roman general \u003Cstrong>Petillius Cerialis\u003C/strong>, charged with restoring order, complemented this diplomatic victory with a military pacification, reminding the defeated Treveri and Lingones that the Rhine legions did not guard the frontier against Gaul, but for it. As Sabinus’s failed attempt illustrates through its very failure, Gaulish integration into the Empire, a century after the conquest, was already too solidly anchored for a local secession, however spectacular, to prevail for long.\u003C/p>\n\u003Chr>\n\u003Ch2>🧠 Key Points\u003C/h2>\n\u003Cul>\n\u003Cli>The \u003Cstrong>Teutoburg\u003C/strong> disaster (9 AD) pushed Rome to permanently abandon the conquest of Germania: the frontier settled on the \u003Cstrong>Rhine\u003C/strong>, durably turning Gaul into its logistical and military base.\u003C/li>\n\u003Cli>Latin rights spread across the whole of Long-haired Gaul over the course of the century, while the workshops of \u003Cstrong>La Graufesenque\u003C/strong> turned Gaulish terra sigillata pottery into an economic success exported across the entire Empire.\u003C/li>\n\u003Cli>In \u003Cstrong>48 AD\u003C/strong>, the speech of the emperor \u003Cstrong>Claudius\u003C/strong>, engraved on the Claudian Table, opened access to the Roman Senate to Gaulish notables, starting with the Aedui.\u003C/li>\n\u003Cli>Between \u003Cstrong>68 and 70\u003C/strong>, Gaul went through a series of imperial crises — the revolt of \u003Cstrong>Vindex\u003C/strong>, the Year of the Four Emperors, the Batavian revolt, and Julius Sabinus’s failed attempt at an \u003Cem>Imperium Galliarum\u003C/em> — which tested, without breaking, its integration into the Empire.\u003C/li>\n\u003Cli>At the dawn of the 2nd century, Roman Gaul appeared as a mature and prosperous province, but one whose central position bound it more closely than ever to both the crises and the successes of Rome itself.\u003C/li>\n\u003C/ul>\n",[34,37],{"id":35,"title":36},"p3ch2z1","Sabinus and Éponine, Nine Years in Hiding",{"id":38,"title":39},"p3ch2z2","Arminius, from Triumph to Assassination","cover-p3ch2",true,false,"","0 à 100","De Blandine aux martyrs de Lyon, une nouvelle foi s'installe. As the previous chapter ends, Gaul has just reached, with the inauguration of the Sanctuary of","/assets/covers/cover-p3ch2.jpg",{"period":48,"chapters":55},{"id":9,"title":10,"titleEn":10,"titleEs":11,"range":12,"rangeEn":12,"rangeEs":13,"covers":49,"coverArtworkId":24,"cover":54},[50,51,52,53],{"filename":16,"url":17},{"filename":19,"url":19},{"filename":21,"url":21},{"filename":23,"url":23},{"fileName":21,"imageUrl":26,"filePageUrl":27,"sourceLabel":28},[56,63,65,72,79],{"id":57,"title":58,"periodId":9,"thumbnailUrl":59,"thumbnailArtworkId":60,"hasEn":41,"isFallback":42,"teaser":61,"coverFit":43,"coverPosition":43,"chronicle":62,"realm":43,"ready":41},"p3ch1","From Caesar's Conquest to Roman Gaul","/assets/covers/cover-p3ch1.jpg","cover-p3ch1","L'apogée de la Pax Romana et les grands monuments gallo-romains.","Environ -50 à 0",{"id":30,"title":31,"periodId":9,"thumbnailUrl":46,"thumbnailArtworkId":40,"hasEn":41,"isFallback":42,"teaser":64,"coverFit":43,"coverPosition":43,"chronicle":44,"realm":43,"ready":41},"De Blandine aux martyrs de Lyon, une nouvelle foi s'installe.",{"id":66,"title":67,"periodId":9,"thumbnailUrl":68,"thumbnailArtworkId":69,"hasEn":41,"isFallback":42,"teaser":70,"coverFit":43,"coverPosition":43,"chronicle":71,"realm":43,"ready":41},"p3ch3","Peak and Crises of Roman Gaul","/assets/covers/cover-p3ch3.jpg","cover-p3ch3","La Gaule face aux invasions, les persécutions et l'Empire des Gaules.","100 à 300",{"id":73,"title":74,"periodId":9,"thumbnailUrl":75,"thumbnailArtworkId":76,"hasEn":41,"isFallback":42,"teaser":77,"coverFit":43,"coverPosition":43,"chronicle":78,"realm":43,"ready":41},"p3ch4","Gaul in the Christian Empire","/assets/covers/cover-p3ch4.jpg","cover-p3ch4","De Constantin à Saint Martin : la victoire de la Croix et la conversion de la Gaule.","300 à 400",{"id":80,"title":81,"periodId":9,"thumbnailUrl":82,"thumbnailArtworkId":83,"hasEn":41,"isFallback":42,"teaser":84,"coverFit":43,"coverPosition":43,"chronicle":85,"realm":43,"ready":41},"p3ch5","The Fall of Roman Gaul","/assets/covers/cover-p3ch5.jpg","cover-p3ch5","Les grandes invasions, le choc d'Attila et la naissance du Royaume des Francs.","400 à 476",1786625625828]