
1559 à 1560
Francis II became king on 10 July 1559, barely fifteen years old, the day after the accidental death of his father Henry II, wounded in a tournament three months earlier. Of all the kings of France in the early modern period, he had the shortest reign — barely seventeen months, from 10 July 1559 to 5 December 1560.
This inheritance was anything but simple. Francis II received a kingdom pacified abroad by the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, just signed, but deeply divided at home by a religious question that the repression conducted under Henry II had never managed to resolve. From the very first day of his reign, real power almost entirely escaped him: married since 1558 to Mary Stuart, the young king left government to his wife’s uncles, the Guise princes, in what has been called a veritable palace revolution.
The dominant trait of this very short reign was thus a continuous tutelage, never truly challenged for as long as the king lived: Francis of Guise at the head of the armies, the cardinal of Lorraine over finances, justice and diplomacy, with the resigned assent of a Catherine de’ Medici still self-effacing. Under this tutelage, the religious repression already under way under Henry II continued and worsened, until it provoked, in the spring of 1560, the armed reaction the Guises themselves had dreaded.
Beyond repression alone, the reign saw several distinct episodes: the resounding execution of Anne du Bourg that closed out 1559; the Amboise conspiracy, a failed attempt to seize the king in order to free him from Guise influence, followed by a repression of extreme severity; a first legal shift in religious policy with the edict of Romorantin; then, with the arrival of chancellor Michel de l’Hôpital, the outline of a policy of conciliation, brutally complicated by the arrest of the prince of Condé.
The premature death of Francis II, carried off by an ear infection barely more than a year after his accession, ended the Guises’ tutelage as suddenly as it had begun, opening the way to the regency of Catherine de’ Medici for her second son, Charles IX, barely ten years old. This chapter retraces this ephemeral reign in three stages: the young king’s accession and the Guises’ takeover, the Amboise conspiracy and the Romorantin shift, then the Estates-General of Orléans and the king’s death — three acts compressed into a few months, but which already carried within them all the fault lines of the Wars of Religion to come.
Francis II became king on 10 July 1559, at fifteen, the day after his father’s accidental death. That very day, his four secretaries of state, seeking whom to report to on the kingdom’s affairs, turned to Catherine de’ Medici — but the queen mother, devastated by grief, redirected them to the Guise brothers, uncles of the young queen Mary Stuart. This simple gesture consummated what historians have called a veritable palace revolution: Francis of Guise took command of the kingdom’s military forces, while his brother cardinal Charles of Lorraine secured control of finances, justice and diplomacy, ousting in the same move constable Anne de Montmorency — who received, on 18 July, only a nominal confirmation in his functions, now stripped of all real power — and the former favourite Diane de Poitiers, immediately banished from court.
The first weeks of the reign were mainly devoted to implementing the clauses of the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, concluded a few months earlier: as early as 14 July, orders were given to reduce troop numbers, and on 7 August, Savoy was officially restored to Duke Emmanuel Philibert, with its seat re-established at Chambéry. On 13 August, Henry II’s body was interred at Saint-Denis at the end of funeral rites already under way during his lifetime. That same August, diplomat Jean Nicot left as French ambassador to Lisbon — a mission that would, the following year, make him famous for introducing tobacco into the kingdom.
The ritual legitimation of the new reign came with the coronation, held at Reims cathedral on 21 September 1559 under the presidency of the cardinal of Lorraine himself — a further sign, if one were needed, of the Guises’ grip extending even to the monarchy’s most solemn ceremonies. But the autumn of 1559 was above all marked by an intensification of religious repression: mass arrests of Protestants, seizures of property, continued hardening of the policy already engaged under Henry II. This repression reached a particularly violent conclusion at year’s end: on 18 December, presiding judge Antoine Minard, who had conducted the trial of the reformed councillor Anne du Bourg with notorious partiality, was shot dead leaving the palace at night. A Scotsman, Robert Stuart, suspected of having acted at the instigation of Calvinists, was arrested and tortured at length, but never confessed to anything and was eventually expelled from the kingdom. Five days later, on 23 December 1559, Anne du Bourg himself was hanged and then burned at the Place de Grève — a punishment that closed out a year of repression without easing tensions, and that would soon nourish, among the most determined Protestants, the temptation of armed retaliation.
Anne Dubourg condemned to be hanged and burned: François Hogenberg, after Jacques Tortorel and Jean Perrissin, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons
🔍 Zoom – The Guise Domination and the De Facto Regency
🔍 Zoom – The Origins of the Protestant Crisis in France
This temptation took shape at the very start of the following year. Jean du Barry, lord of La Renaudie, a Périgord gentleman turned hostile to the Guises since the execution of his brother-in-law Gaspard de Heu in 1558, gathered in Nantes, on 1 February 1560, a first circle of conspirators from across the kingdom: the goal was to seize the king by force in order to “free him from Guise influence.” On 12 February, Paulon de Mauvans rallied the Huguenots of Provence to the cause, promising two thousand men, while the prince of Condé, without taking part directly, discreetly followed the preparations — the conspirators referring to him, in their correspondence, under the code name of “silent captain.” Calvin and the reformed pastors, informed of the plan, publicly condemned it, and admiral Coligny prevented the Protestants of Normandy from joining it. The government, at first, attempted appeasement: on 8 March 1560, an edict signed at Amboise granted an amnesty to Protestants — a conciliatory gesture that did not stop the conspiracy from running its course.
Alerted, the Guises had the court transferred from Blois to Amboise as early as 22 February, deemed safer. On 10 March, disoriented groups of Protestants were arrested and then, initially, released on Francis II’s own orders. But on 14 March, a chance skirmish near Tours, between the count of Sancerre and the baron of Castelnau, alarmed the court; on 17 March, a surprise attack was launched by a group of Huguenots commanded by Bertrand de Chandieu — the king immediately entrusted Francis of Guise with the office of lieutenant general of the kingdom. La Renaudie himself was killed on 19 March in the forest of Château-Renault. The repression that followed, at Amboise itself, was extremely severe: captured rebels were hanged from the château’s balustrades, drowned in the Loire, or killed by the mob; La Renaudie’s body, tied to a gibbet on the bridge with a placard proclaiming “chief of the rebels,” was cut into five pieces displayed at the city gates. The toll of this repression, according to sources, stood between twelve hundred and fifteen hundred dead.
The Execution at Amboise, 15 March 1560: Jacques Tortorel and Jean Perrissin, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons
Faced with the scale of this crisis, the monarchy adjusted its religious policy without renouncing firmness: on 7 May 1560, the edict of Romorantin banned private Protestant assemblies, but transferred to episcopal courts, rather than to ordinary royal jurisdictions, the competence to judge cases of heresy — a subtle legal distinction between heresy, now referred to ecclesiastical justice, and sedition proper, which remained under royal justice. This shift in competence, obtained amid the still uncertain context that followed the death of chancellor François Olivier on 30 March, already announced the sharper shift the monarchy would adopt in the following months.
🔍 Zoom – The Edict of Romorantin, an Impossible Compromise
The announced shift was confirmed with the appointment, on 30 June 1560, of Michel de l’Hôpital as chancellor of France, succeeding François Olivier. His mark was soon felt in the conduct of the assembly of notables held at Fontainebleau from 21 to 26 August 1560: before members of the king’s council, the secretaries of state and the knights of the Order of Saint-Michael, admiral Coligny conveyed to the king the grievances of Normandy’s Protestants, demanding freedom of worship. The assembly maintained its refusal to grant reformed worshippers places of worship, but proposed convening both a national council and the kingdom’s Estates-General — a first step toward the path of conciliation that Michel de l’Hôpital would soon embody.
While this domestic shift was taking shape, another front, so far left out of the narrative, was closing on a failure: since Francis II’s marriage to Mary Stuart, France had regarded Scotland as an extension of its own crown, at the cost of a costly military intervention against the Protestant lords who had risen up in 1559 under the leadership of John Knox. The death of regent Mary of Guise, besieged in Edinburgh on 11 June 1560, deprived France of its last local support; the Treaty of Edinburgh, signed on 6 July following without the consent of the king and queen, imposed the withdrawal of French troops and effectively ended centuries of Franco-Scottish alliance.
🔍 Zoom – Scottish Affairs and the Treaty of Edinburgh
This path was nonetheless complicated by a new political crisis. On 31 October 1560, the arrest of one of his agents carrying compromising documents pushed the king to have the prince of Condé arrested at Orléans, where the court had gone for the upcoming opening of the Estates-General. Suspected of having been the “silent captain” of the Amboise conspiracy, though the Guises held no written proof of it, Condé was allegedly condemned to death according to Protestant sources — a claim historians do not consider definitively established — his execution being in any case postponed by the king’s own illness.
It was because Francis II, from 16 November 1560, had suffered a fainting fit, a prelude to unbearable pains in his left ear. Physicians of the time hesitated over the diagnosis — mastoiditis, meningitis, or a simple case of otitis degenerated into an abscess —, and surgeon Ambroise Paré briefly considered trepanation, an intervention Catherine de’ Medici is said to have opposed by declaring that “only God may look inside a king’s head.” The king died on 5 December 1560, at the Hôtel Groslot in Orléans, barely sixteen years old, after a reign of seventeen months. His younger brother Charles, only ten years old, succeeded him under the name Charles IX; on 21 December, the Privy Council granted Catherine de’ Medici the title of “governess of France,” thereby establishing her regency, while the Guises withdrew from court and Mary Stuart, now a widow, prepared to return to her kingdom of Scotland. The prince of Condé, whom Catherine now needed as a counterweight to Guise influence, was released as early as 20 December, the proceedings against him simply annulled. The Estates-General, opened meanwhile at Orléans on 13 December, thus began under a very different sign than the one expected a few weeks earlier — that of a nascent regency, now turned toward seeking a religious compromise that the reign of Francis II had only glimpsed.
The Death of Francis II: Pierre Dupuy (1865), Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons
🔍 Zoom – The Funeral and Memory of Francis II
Next chapter: Charles IX and the regency of Catherine de’ Medici